45 Plus: Choices in the labour market - Stage 3 Qualitative Study
Understanding responses to the inhibitors to entering/re-entering the workforce
The Stage 2 survey measured the relative importance of a number of inhibitors to workforce participation. These were personal or life situation issues, job skill and workplace issues, and CIAG issues. This stage of the research investigated these inhibitors further, and the results are presented in this chapter.
The chapter also discusses why mature non-participants respond differently to these inhibitors, depending on the segment they are in, and relates the issues that particularly affect the subgroups of interest identified by the survey.
Key points
Potential inhibitors to re-entering the workforce include:
- personal or life situation related issues
- job skill related issues
- CIAG service related issues.
Mature non-participants respond differently to these inhibitors, depending on their motivation to re-enter the workforce.
Those in the motivated segments, the paid employment and lifestyle employment seekers, see these issues as obstacles to overcome; those in less motivated segments, the ambivalent employment and future employment seekers, see them as barriers which inhibit their involvement in paid employment.
The relationship between the inhibitors and the motivation to work
The Stage 2 survey identified a number of personal or life situation concerns, job skill issues and CIAG issues that inhibited mature non-participants from entering/re-entering the workforce. The qualitative interviews showed that mature non-participants' responses to these issues depended on their motivation to participate in paid employment.
Those who were highly motivated by the fundamental drivers associated with paid employment, the paid employment seekers and lifestyle employment seekers, were also motivated to overcome potential inhibitors to entering/re-entering the workforce. They considered them as obstacles, rather than barriers, to their involvement in the workforce.
People in the motivated segments were likely to have been out of the workforce for shorter periods of time than people in the less motivated segments. They were also more likely to identify fewer potential inhibitors to re-entering the workforce.
In contrast, those who were less motivated, the ambivalent employment seekers and future employment seekers, were more likely to regard potential inhibitors as barriers to participating in paid employment.
They were more likely to have been out of work for a significant period of time and to identify a greater number of potential inhibitors relevant to their situation and circumstances. The combination of these factors reinforced their reticence to enter/re-enter the workforce.
Personal or life situation issues
The Stage 2 survey identified two key personal and life situation issues that inhibited some mature non-participants from entering/re-entering the workforce. These were non-injury related disabilities or health issues, and carer responsibilities. The survey results relating to these issues are summarised below.
The Stage 2 survey findings
The Stage 2 survey found that the majority of mature non-participants faced personal or life situation barriers that might make it difficult for them to take up paid employment. Only 11 percent of those surveyed reported not having any such issues.
Personal or life situation issues most frequently identified were:
- having a personal health issue or a disability (64 percent of those not actively looking to enter/re-enter the workforce, compared with 41 percent of those who were looking for work)
- having carer responsibilities for children (26 percent, compared with 19 percent)
- having carer responsibilities for a partner/parent or disabled person (29 percent, compared with 18 percent).
Non-injury related disability/health issues
Non-injury personal health issues or a disability were frequently identified in the Stage 2 survey as factors that made it difficult for some mature non-participants to enter/re-enter the workforce. These issues were investigated further in the qualitative stage of the research.
For the most part, these qualitative results support the findings of the Stage 2 survey. The qualitative research also found that non-injury related disabilities/health issues that inhibited individuals from working varied widely in terms of their severity and longevity. The respondents interviewed reported heart problems, short-term and degenerative sight related problems, clinical depression and a degenerative muscular disorder. They had been offered neither alternative duties nor alternative working times or conditions by their former employers.
They couldn't offer me any other work, because it's a small place.
I had to quit, because of the pain getting worse. There wasn't anything they could do to help [no alternative duties] because there's not much else I could do [but manual labour].
I wouldn't expect them to find me work other than what I was doing, as that's what I'm skilled for. I'm not going to want to sit in the office or anything else. I can't see that that would be helping things, so I just left.
The qualitative research also found that the two fundamental drivers defined earlier were the key determinant of mature non-participants' interest in entering/re-entering the workforce, rather than the severity of their disability/health issue. This explains why some of those with more serious health issues were actively job seeking, while others with relatively minor problems were not.
Those in the more motivated segments, the paid employment and lifestyle employment seekers, were more likely to be looking for work that accommodated their health and disability issues, such as work with flexible hours, or employers and work environments that were supportive, or to retrain if it was not possible to resume work in their original occupation.
The doctor has said I can't work because it will put pressure on my heart. But I'm not one to sit home alone in front of the telly. I'm out there busying myself, looking for work that will suit what I can handle now.
The less motivated groups, the ambivalent employment and future employment seekers, were more likely to consider that their disability/health issues made it difficult for them to work, although, with the right support, they might be able to do so.
Carer responsibilities
In the Stage 2 survey, carer responsibilities were the other frequently identified personal or life situation issue that made it difficult for some mature non-participants to enter/re-enter the workforce.
Respondents who were interviewed for the qualitative research and had full- or part-time carer responsibilities included those caring for their children, grandchildren, partners or parents. Most were women.
The interviews indicate that carer responsibilities are different from the other issues that may inhibit people from entering/re-entering the workforce, as caring is important to the emotional wellbeing of some mature non-participants. Its impact depends on the relative importance of caring versus paid employment in satisfying mature non-participants' emotional wellbeing, and also whether participation in paid work is key to satisfying their financial wellbeing.
Paid employment seekers who strongly associate work with their emotional and financial wellbeing will look for alternative caring arrangements to allow them to participate in the workforce.
In contrast, future employment seekers, who do not need to work for financial reasons and who value the emotional benefits associated with caring, will remain out of work for as long as caring remains their priority.
There's no one better than me to look after my mother. And it's the last time I'll spend with her.
Like paid employment seekers, lifestyle employment seekers and ambivalent employment seekers, who value the benefits they associate with both paid work and caring, will look for flexible work arrangements, such as part-time or casual work, or working from home.
I am looking for something that I can work around looking after my mother. There are jobs out there that are flexible like that, so I'll find something that suits.
I'm looking for someone to look after the kids after school once I get a job.
Job skill and workplace issues
In addition to personal and life situation issues, the Stage 2 survey identified a number of job skill and workplace issues that inhibited some mature non-participants from re-entering the workforce.
These issues are summarised below and were further investigated in Stage 3 of the research. The results in relation to lack of relevant job skills, access to training and perceptions or experiences of ageism are reported here. Issues specifically relating to CIAG are discussed in Section 4.4. For the most part, the results support the findings of the Stage 2 survey.
The Stage 2 survey findings
The Stage 2 survey found that the majority of mature non-participants faced job skill or workplace issues that made it difficult for them to take up paid employment. Only 11 percent of those surveyed reported not having any such issues.
- The job skill or workplace issues most frequently reported as
making it difficult to return to work were:
- having the right types of skills that employers are looking for (identified as an issue by 50 percent of those surveyed)
- employers believing that older workers will not pick up the skills for the job quickly enough (45 percent)
- being under-qualified for the jobs available (40 percent)
- the cost of training or studying for new skills (40 percent)
- lack of work experience (30 percent)
- having access to training to gain new skills (27 percent).
- As noted previously, there was a significant relationship between respondents' highest educational qualification and whether or not they were more likely to identify specific job skill related issues. The largest gap was between those with no school examinations and those who had achieved a qualification beyond secondary school.
- Thirty percent of the respondents reported that they had undertaken job skill training or education to enter/re-enter the workforce, with those who had been looking for work (within the last six months) being more likely to report this (45 percent) than those who were not looking (29 percent).
- While gender was not a factor in undertaking job skill training, age and ethnicity were. Younger respondents aged 45 to 54 were significantly more likely to have undertaken training than older cohorts, as were Maori (37 percent) and NZ European/Others (30 percent), while Pacific peoples had the lowest rate of undertaking job skill training (18 percent).
- The higher the education level of the respondent, the more likely they were to report that they had undertaken training at some time.
- One quarter of those who had undertaken job skill training
reported having difficulties doing so. Maori (40 percent) were more likely
to report this than NZ European/Others (23 percent). Among those who reported
having difficulties, the most frequently reported were:
- education or training issues (reported by 7 percent of all who undertook job skill training)
- the cost of training (5 percent)
- disability/health issues or access/transportation issues (both 4 percent)
- being too busy or having to use computers (both 3 percent).
Lack of relevant job skills and access to training
Some respondents in the qualitative research identified not having relevant job skills and/or access to training or education as inhibitors to them entering/re-entering the workforce. They attributed their lack of relevant job skills to:
- being out of work for a significant period, which made their skills out of date, redundant, or rusty
- having a disability or health issue that meant that they could not resume work in their previous role or industry
- being under- or over-qualified for the jobs that they wanted and/or jobs not being available in the places they were interested or prepared to look in.
Respondents in the motivated segments, the paid employment and lifestyle employment seekers, were more likely to overcome these job skill related inhibitors by seeking training or by retraining, and/or by being prepared to travel or move to a new location. They overcame transport related issues by using public transport, if available, or car-pooling.
Once I got a bit better, I started doing retraining courses through WINZ [Work and Income], so I'm looking for jobs in different areas now.
In the area I live, there aren't many jobs. But if I don't find something around here soon, I'll be catching the train to Wellington. More jobs there. It'll take longer in the day, and cost for transport, but it's also probably better paid.
I have been lucky enough to get my HT licence through WINZ [Work and Income], and they found some opportunities for me to get some [unpaid] job experience, so I can show them I have the experience. There's no point doing courses, unless you can back it up with on-the-job experience. Even if you're not paid, it'll pay off in the long run when you get the job.
In contrast, those in the less motivated segments, the ambivalent employment and future employment seekers, were more likely to see job skill and training issues as barriers to their return to the workforce. They were less interested in overcoming these barriers and were more likely to identify issues associated with access to jobs and training, such as:
- where and how to access further training and education
- costs associated with training
- lack of relevant jobs in the local area
- access to and costs of transport to travel to work or training.
I got made redundant because of the changes [in the industry], so there's no point looking for work in that. I don't really know what I could do, so I haven't looked for work.
I don't know computers, and that's the main thing now, so I'd be on the back foot anywhere.
I wouldn't know what training I need ... I suppose computers, but I don't know who provides it, and it's probably quite costly.
The qualitative research suggests that issues relating to access to jobs and training are more prevalent among mature non-participants in rural or provincial areas, where there are fewer jobs or training options, greater distances to travel and no or limited public transport.
Perceptions/experiences of ageism
Ageism was identified in the Stage 2 survey as an issue that might inhibit some mature non-participants from entering/re-entering the workforce.
The qualitative research found that, while some mature non-participants had experienced ageism personally, others believed that it existed based on hearsay. Regardless of whether ageism was perceived or experienced, it could act as a real inhibitor. Respondents had experienced or believed the following:
- The physical and mental changes associated with ageing, such as lower energy levels, physical strength/stamina and mental agility, affected their ability to perform optimally or carry out a full-time job. These issues were more relevant to some occupations and positions than others, for example, jobs requiring speed and strength.
- Job-seeking agencies are primarily interested in younger job seekers. Experiences included being told by recruitment agents that they would have limited chance of success in applying for jobs because of their age. The youthfulness of the staff and other job applicants in these agencies left some mature non-participants feeling out of place and uncomfortable.
Employers prefer younger employees. Examples included:
One of the employment companies I went to, I was treated like dirt! I was interviewed by a girl who couldn't have been more than 21. She looked down her nose at me all the time she was talking to me. She talked to me like I was an idiot... as if I had Alzheimer's... forget it!
- employers raising age-related concerns at interviews, including raising concerns about the imminence of retirement, questioning applicants' willingness to adapt to a new work environment, and questioning their willingness to answer to younger management
- believing and/or being told that they would not fit the culture or 'look' of the organisation because of their age
- being repeatedly unsuccessful with job applications.
It is harder to get a job when you're my age, because they think the younger ones are smarter, because they can use computers.
As with job skills and training issues, respondents responded in different ways to perceptions or experiences of ageism. Individuals in the motivated segments, the paid employment seekers and lifestyle employment seekers, were more likely to reject ageist attitudes as myths or misconceptions, rather than take them on board as real barriers. They were more likely to believe that their maturity was an asset to the work environment.
I think it's gone full circle. Employers are looking for mature people now because they want the experience. They've been through the young person scenario, where they stay five minutes and don't learn the job anyway. Now they realise it's better to pay a little more, get the experience and a person who's got a work ethic.
I'm confident to sell myself. Even if they [potential employers] are looking for the young ones... But they [younger job seekers] don't have my life experience. So that's what I tell them [potential employers], and it gets their interest I think.
Those in the motivated segments were also likely to respond positively to the physical and mental changes associated with ageing by seeking work and a work environment that suited them better. Examples were working reduced hours, or in less challenging positions than they previously occupied.
I wouldn't want to work full-time at my age. I don't think I'd be able to keep up with the others in the work. So I'm looking for something more flexible, with shorter hours.
I wouldn't want a management position at my age. I'd rather have something more low-key, or something that I could mentor the younger ones in.
However, those less motivated to enter/re-enter the workforce, the future employment seekers and ambivalent employment seekers, were more likely to believe ageism was a real barrier to entering/re-entering the workforce. This was especially true for those who had been out of employment for some time.
I wouldn't stand a show ... I am too old, and they wouldn't be interested. You look around the office, and there's no one over 35, so you might as well leave.
I just knew from his attitude, he just wasn't interested in me, because of my age. I just wasn't the right 'fit'. They [staff] are all 30 something, or 20 something, and I would be out of place. It's all pretty much like that out there from what I've seen and what they've told me, so really, what's the point?
CIAG issues
The Stage 2 survey revealed that a lack of job-seeking knowledge was another key inhibitor to entering/re-entering the workforce. The survey results relating to these issues are summarised below.
The Stage 2 survey findings
Most (71 percent) mature non-participants had been out of the workforce for three years or more, with 38 percent not having worked for 10 or more years. Fourteen percent had been out of the workforce for less than one year, and 13 percent for one to two years.
As reported earlier, 19 percent claimed they had looked for paid employment in the six months prior to the survey and, of these, 70 percent had engaged in at least one of the job-seeking activities covered in the survey. The most frequently reported job-seeking activities were:
- checking the job advertisements in the newspaper (63 percent)
- looking for work through friends, family and other contacts (41 percent)
- applying for jobs (39 percent)
- sending out CVs (27 percent)
- searching the Internet (25 percent)
- contacting or registering with Work and Income (23 percent).
Against this background, 23 percent of respondents interviewed for the Stage 2 survey said they would not know where to go for CIAG if they wanted information to assist them to find paid employment:
- The main information source respondents mentioned was Work and Income (reported by 21 percent of those surveyed). Other frequently mentioned sources were a career advisor, employment consultant or company (13 percent), or friends and family (13 percent).
- Younger respondents were significantly more likely to seek advice from friends and family, a career advisor or employment consultants than older respondents.
- Those looking for work were significantly more likely to mention Work and Income or friends and family than those not currently seeking work.
These were investigated further in the qualitative stage of the research. For the most part, the results were similar to those of the Stage 2 survey.
Job-seeking knowledge and experience
While the Stage 2 survey found that a lack of job-seeking knowledge is a key inhibitor, Stage 3 indicated that knowing how to gain job-seeking assistance is related to how motivated mature non-participants are to re-enter the workforce, and how recently they have looked for work. This finding is important, given that, in the Stage 2 survey, many mature non-participants had been out of the workforce for a long time.
Those in the more motivated segments, the paid employment seekers and lifestyle employment seekers, were more likely to be up to date with the job seeking process. Given that they were more likely to be actively looking for work, they were also more familiar with, and more confident about, the process of job hunting. Most knew where to look for jobs, for example, in newspapers and on the Internet, how to 'sell' themselves to a potential employer, how to create a CV and where to go for CIAG services.
I'm looking in the right places and haven't found anything yet that suits, but I've been getting good feedback and I feel confident I'll get something soon.
I have my CV together and I think it looks pretty good. I've been to an employment agency to get help with this and they seem quite positive.
I've never had a CV, so I went to a place that advertised that they help with these. It wasn't such a big deal really.
Some respondents in the more motivated segments had sought help from agencies offering CIAG services. These included Career Services, recruitment agencies generally, employment agencies targeting mature job seekers, and Work and Income. All found these services to be less than satisfactory.
- Career Services, recruitment agencies generally: Mature non-participants experienced or perceived these services as being geared towards the needs of younger job seekers. This made some mature non-participants feel uncomfortable, and inhibited others from seeking these services at all.
Employment agencies targeting mature job seekers: Mature non-participants who had accessed these services were attracted to them because they believed the agencies would be better able to meet their needs. Although they felt comfortable dealing with agency personnel, the service provided was limited because staff appeared to lack CIAG expertise - one was run on a voluntary basis - and they had very little to offer in the way of job opportunities.
I went into a job-searching place here as they advertised that they help write CVs, but the place was crowded with school leavers ... it was quite off-putting. I got my CV done and quickly left ... they probably offered other things, but I didn't feel comfortable. It really wasn't for me!
I went to a place here that was advertised for mature adults to help get work. They were very friendly but they couldn't offer much because they didn't have much on their books. Bit of a waste of time, really.
Work and Income: Recipients of government benefits who sought help from Work and Income valued the training they offered, such as computer courses. Some respondents had sought assistance from Work and Income only to discover that they were not eligible for help because they were not receiving a government benefit.
The mature place I went to worked on donations and voluntary help. I don't think they're operating anymore.
I went into WINZ [Work and Income] to look at their jobs they had available, but because I can't get a benefit [yet] I wasn't allowed to contact the ones they had.
The interviews also revealed that those who were less motivated to seek employment, the ambivalent employment and future employment seekers, were more likely to have been out of work for longer, and/or to have limited job-seeking knowledge and experience. They were also less likely to be aware of what CIAG assistance is available and where to find it.
I wouldn't know where to start ... get a CV together, what would I say? Housewife for ten years? How should I present myself? I've been out of work for so long that I have no idea what I could do. I wouldn't know what I could offer ... what skills do I have? I know, but how would they help an employer? I could tell them I can do this or that, but where's the proof? Because I don't have any recent jobs to say that I can do it.
I feel that I'm really out of touch with the job market. If you're out of touch, you feel less confident, and you don't know where to start looking.
Summary
The Stage 2 survey measured the relative importance of three different types of issues in inhibiting workforce participation: personal or life situation issues, such as non-injury related disabilities/health issues and carer responsibilities, job skill and workplace issues, such as access to training and ageism, and CIAG issues.
The qualitative research found that mature non-participants who were motivated to enter/re-enter paid employment because of its relative importance to their emotional and/or financial wellbeing would work to overcome these impediments or adapt their situation in order to join the workforce.
Other non-mature participants might experience the same challenges, but because they were not motivated to enter/return to paid employment, they saw them as insurmountable barriers.
This indicates that mature non-participants will regard initiatives such as CIAG differently depending on their level of motivation to join the workforce.
