Temporary workers and their employment outcomes
4. A profile of temporary workers and their employment outcomes
This section of the paper presents a descriptive profile of temporary workers, comparing their characteristics, employment conditions and outcomes with those of permanent employees. Section 4.1 summarises temporary workers' demographic and educational characteristics. Section 4.2 describes their job characteristics. Section 4.3 describes the employment conditions and working patterns of temporary employees, including their job tenure, earnings, working time patterns, training, annual leave entitlements, job flexibility, rates of union membership, type of employment agreement, and reported rates of work-related stress, pain, fatigue, and discrimination, harassment or bullying.
The purpose of this section of the paper is to provide an accurate description of temporary workers as a labour force group, to describe their employment patterns and outcomes, and to identify whether their employment outcomes are significantly different from those of permanent workers. Differences in employment outcomes may be important from a welfare perspective.
The differences in employment outcomes that are identified through the temporary-permanent comparisons could be due to the nature of the employment relationship or could be caused by a range of other factors, such as the younger average age of temporary workers, the occupational characteristics of temporary jobs, or the part-time hours typical of many temporary jobs, to note just a few possibilities. In this section of the paper, we do not rigorously try to identify whether the patterns and differences described are caused by the nature of the employment relationship or by other factors. However, where there are obvious demographic explanations (such as younger age of temporary employees), these are briefly explored. In Section 6, the factors that influence the relative hourly earnings and relative training rates of temporary employees are analysed in a more systematic manner.
4.1 Demographic and educational characteristics
Information on the demographic and educational profiles of temporary and permanent employees is presented in table 4. Slightly over half of all temporary employees were female. More than one third were youth workers (ie males or females aged under 25 years), and another one third were women aged between 25 and 54. Prime-aged men made up about 17 percent, and older men and women comprised the remainder, around 15 percent.
Figure 5: Age and gender profiles of temporary and permanent employees
Compared with permanent employees, temporary employees were significantly younger (by 4 years on average), more likely to be living in a minor urban area or rural location, less likely to be married or living with a partner, less likely to have dependent children, and less likely to hold a qualification. Some of these differences were relatively small. There were very minor differences between temporary and permanent employees in ethnic group composition and the likelihood of having being born overseas.
Table 4: Personal characteristics of temporary workers
Despite these differences in demographic composition, the majority of temporary employees, like the majority of permanent employees, were aged between 25 and 54, European, born in New Zealand, and living in urban areas. Temporary workers were spread across all levels of educational attainment, and their educational distribution was not dramatically different from that of permanent employees.
There are substantial variations in the demographic profiles of the different types of temporary worker. Temporary agency, fixed-term and casual workers were more likely to be female than male (70 percent, 62 percent, and 55 percent respectively were female), while seasonal workers were more likely to be male. On average, females working in temporary jobs were nearly three years older than males in temporary jobs, but the gender age gap was larger among fixed-term employees. Fixed-term employees also had the highest educational levels, with 71 percent holding a post-school qualification, and 40 percent having a degree. Seasonal workers had the lowest educational levels. Thirty-five percent of all seasonal workers held a post-school qualification, and 10 percent had a degree.
4.2 Job characteristics
Information on the basic job characteristics of temporary and permanent employees, including their occupation, industry, and employer characteristics, is presented in table 5.
Table 5: Job characteristics of temporary workers
Occupation and industry
In the March 2008 quarter, temporary workers were located in all of the main occupational and industry groups. Compared with permanent employees, however, they were more likely to be working as service and sales workers, agriculture and fishery workers, plant and machine operators and assemblers, or in elementary occupations. They were less likely to be employed in management or trades occupations. Only 3 percent of temporary workers were classified as managers, compared with 13 percent of permanent employees.
Figure 6: Occupational profiles of temporary and permanent employees
Turning to the specific types of temporary work, we find that casual workers were in jobs featuring a variety of different skill levels. The largest group of casual workers was employed in service and sales occupations (29 percent of the total). Most other casual employees worked in professional; technical and associate professional; clerical; primary sector; or elementary occupations.
More than half of all fixed term employees were working in professional or technical and associate professional occupations. Around 70 percent were working in professional, technical and associate professional, or clerical jobs (that is, in one of these three broad occupational groups).
About one quarter of temporary agency workers were employed in clerical jobs (26 percent). The remainder mostly worked in professional and technical, service and sales, and elementary occupations.
Seasonal workers were most likely to work as agriculture and fishery workers, or as plant and machine operators and assemblers. These two broad occupational groups account for more than half of all seasonal workers. The rest were employed in technical, sales and service, or elementary occupations.
The industry statistics show that temporary workers were more likely than permanent workers to be working in the agriculture, forestry and fishing industry; in accommodation, cafes and restaurants; in education; and in health and community services.
Business type and size of firm
The available data on business type show that 59 percent of temporary employees were employed by private sector firms, which is substantially lower than the share of permanent employees (68 percent). Temporary employees were more likely to work for central government organisations or non-profit organisations. However, if we assume that the 13 percent of temporary employees and 8 percent of permanent employees whose employer's business type was unclassified were mainly working for private-sector businesses, the overall difference between temporary and permanent workers in the proportions working in the private sector is likely to be smaller.[9]
As discussed in section 3, a significantly-sized group of employees with fixed-term employment arrangements work for central government, particularly in the education industry.
Temporary employees were slightly more likely than permanent workers to be employed by very small firms (those with less than 5 employees) or large firms (those with 100 or more employees).
4.3 Employment conditions and outcomes
Information on the job tenure, hourly earnings and weekly earnings of temporary and permanent employees is presented in tables 5 and 6. Information on their weekly hours and working time patterns in presented in tables 7-9. Information on their job conditions and job flexibility is set out in table 10. Table 11 gives measures of union membership rates, and the percentages who were employed on individual and collective employment agreements. Table 12 presents information on the health and safety outcomes that were measured in SoWL.
Table 6: Job tenure and earnings of temporary workers
Job tenure
The SoWL asked respondents how long they had worked for their employer, in their current main job. Many temporary workers work on an intermittent basis, and the intention of the question was to measure the duration of the employment relationship rather than the duration of the last episode of work. Respondents who had worked for two or more spells for their employer, with breaks between spells, are likely to have counted their job tenure from the beginning of the first spell.[10]
Most temporary workers said they had been in their jobs for less than one year (52 percent), but a significant percentage had worked for 1-3 years (23 percent) or for three or more years (25 percent). The majority of casual, fixed-term and temporary agency workers had tenure of less than one year. Seasonal workers are the exceptional group in terms of their tenure: only 41 percent of seasonal workers indicated that they had worked for their employer for less than one year, while 36 percent had worked for their employer for three or more years. (The equivalent figure for permanent employees was 54 percent.) These results imply that a significant proportion of seasonal employees had long-term relationships with their current employer and had worked for multiple seasons.
Figure 7: Job tenure profiles of temporary and permanent employees
The median job tenure of all temporary workers was 47 weeks or 0.9 years, which is well below the median tenure of permanent employees (3.0 years). While most types of temporary worker had a median tenure of less than one year, for seasonal employees the median was 1.8 years.
Earnings
The average hourly earnings of temporary employees were $18.50, which was 79 percent of the average hourly earnings of permanent employees ($23.40). Of all temporary work groups, casual employees had the lowest mean hourly earnings ($16.00) and fixed-term employees the highest ($23.70).
There was little difference between the average hourly earnings of male and female temporary workers. Consequently, the temporary/permanent wage gap is much larger for males than for females.
Figure 8: Average hourly earnings by type of employment
Turning to average weekly earnings, the difference between temporary and permanent employees was substantially larger, reflecting the greater tendency for temporary workers to be part-time employed. The average weekly earnings of temporary workers were 60 percent of the average weekly earnings of permanent workers.
The reasons for the gap in average hourly earnings between temporary and permanent employees are analysed in Section 6.
Weekly hours and preferences regarding number of working hours
Information on weekly hours of work and satisfaction with hours of work is given in table 7. On average, temporary workers usually worked about 10 hours per week less than permanent employees: 27.4 hours as compared with 37.6 hours. This difference in mean hours reflects the fact that nearly half of all temporary workers were part-time employees, compared with only 20 percent of permanent employees.
Table 7: Weekly hours of work and preferences for more or less hours
Among temporary workers, casual workers were the group most likely to be working part-time hours: 61 percent were part-time. Fixed-term employees were least likely to be working part-time hours: 70 percent were full-time.
Although temporary employees were much less likely than permanent employees to usually work long hours (defined in the survey as working 45 hours a week or more), a reasonably high proportion of seasonal workers did so. Twenty-three percent of seasonal workers said that their usual working hours were 45 or longer.
Ten percent of temporary employees said they had worked some paid overtime hours in the last four weeks, which was lower than the comparable proportion of permanent employees (15 percent). Temporary employees were only about half as likely as permanent employees to say that they had done some extra hours without pay in the last four weeks. Among temporary workers, seasonal workers were the group most likely to have worked some paid overtime hours and fixed-term employees were the group most likely to have worked some unpaid hours.
Temporary employees were far more likely than permanent employees to say that they would like to work more hours that at present: 19 percent did so, compared with eight percent of permanents. Within every type of temporary work, at least ten percent of employees said they would like to work for more hours. Consistent with this, temporaries were less likely than permanents to say that they would like to work for fewer hours with a comparable reduction in pay: 11 percent wanted to work fewer hours, compared with 17 percent of permanent workers.
Further analysis of the factors that are associated with wanting to work more hours showed that an individual's current hours of work is the primary determinant of whether they would prefer more hours, and not their temporary employment. Employees who worked shorter hours were far more likely to want additional hours than employees who worked longer hours, and vice versa.[11] In a multivariate regression, the marginal effect of temporary job status on the likelihood of wanting to work more hours was slight.
Working time patterns
Working time patterns are summarised in tables 8 and 9. Working at non-standard times of the day or week is not unusual for permanent employees. A significant minority of permanent employees (nearly one-third) said that they usually did at least some of their work outside of the conventional working week, defined in the survey as from 7am to 7pm on weekdays. Twelve percent usually worked for more than five days a week. A series of questions about the work that was actually done in the past four weeks at non-standard times revealed that 56 percent of permanent employees had worked at least once at a non-standard time during the last month. Twenty-five percent had done so 1-5 times in the last four weeks, 11 percent had done so 6-10 times, and 19 percent more than ten times.
Table 8: Usual working time patterns
Table 9: Working time patterns in the last four weeks
Casual and seasonal employees were more likely than permanent employees to say that they usually did at least some of their work outside of the conventional working week. This was true for 43 percent of casuals and 45 percent of seasonal workers. In addition, casual and seasonal workers were more likely than permanent workers to have worked at non-standard times, on one or more occasions, during the last month. When specific non-standard times are considered, it appears that casual workers were more likely than permanent employees to have worked during the evening or on the weekend.
Of all the temporary worker groups, seasonal employees had the most diverse working time patterns and the highest rates of work at non-standard times. While 25 percent usually worked for fewer than five days a week, 20 percent usually worked for more than five days. Seasonal workers were less likely than permanent workers to have worked in the evening, but much more likely to have worked in the early morning or during the weekend, in the past four weeks. Seventy percent had worked at a non-standard time at least once in the past month and 30 percent had done so more than ten times.
In contrast, fixed term and temporary agency employees were less likely than permanent employees to have worked on the weekend, and they had similar or lower rates of evening, night and early morning work. These lower rates of work at non-standard times may be associated with the fact that fixed term and temporary agency workers were predominantly female and tended to work in clerical, professional and technical occupations.
One potential problem with these comparisons of the number of episodes of work done at non-standard times is that temporary workers often work part-time hours, which may mean they worked fewer shifts during the last month than permanent employees, reducing their opportunities for working at non-standard times, and biasing the comparison. To further explore the question of whether temporary employment is associated with a higher probability of working at non-standard times after differences in usual working hours and other potentially confounding factors are controlled for, the probability of having worked at non-standard times was modelled in a series of regressions which included usual hours of work and other personal and job characteristics as explanatory variables. The results obtained supported the view that seasonal work is significantly associated with a higher probability of working at non-standard times, but were inconclusive for the other types of temporary work.
Variability in working times
To assess the flexibility in hours of work that is required or expected by employers, temporary workers were asked whether their hours of work changed from week to week to suit the employer's needs (see table 10). Permanent workers were not asked this question. Casual, temporary agency and seasonal workers (but not fixed-term workers) were also asked how far in advance they were told the work schedule they were required to work in a given week.
More than half of all temporary workers said that their hours changed from week to week to suit their employer's needs. This situation was particularly common among casual workers (62 percent), and least common among fixed-term workers (32 percent). Interestingly, 32 percent of casual workers said that their hours did not change from week to week, implying that they had a stable arrangement.
Eighteen percent of casual workers, 19 percent of temporary agency workers and 16 percent of seasonal workers said they were told the days and times they had to work only one day or less in advance. By implication, these employees do not have much certainty about their working time arrangements, and have to adapt quickly to changes in their work schedule. Although only a minority of temporary workers are in this situation, the proportion is still fairly substantial.
Training
Eighteen percent of temporary employees, and 32 percent of permanent employees, reported they had undertaken some employer-funded study or training in the last twelve months (see table 10). This training may have taken place in a previous job if the respondent had changed jobs within the past year. If they had received employer-funded training, temporary employees were also more likely than permanent employees to have trained for one day or less, and were less likely to have trained for 6 days or more.
Figure 9: Training rates by type of employment
Fixed-term employees were the subgroup of temporary workers who were most likely to have studied or trained: their participation rate was similar to that of permanent employees. The participation rate was lowest among casual workers (13 percent) and temporary agency workers (10 percent).
Table 10: Job conditions
Women working in temporary jobs were far more likely to have received employer-funded study or training than men. This is probably due to differences in age, job tenure, educational level, and occupation.
The reasons for the gap in training between temporary and permanent employees are considered in Section 6.
Annual leave entitlements
A question on paid annual leave was included in the SoWL to identify how common entitlements above the legal minimum are, and who is receiving more than the minimum amount of leave. In addition, the question was designed to provide data on employees' awareness of their annual leave entitlements.
Sixteen percent of permanent employees reported they had an annual leave entitlement of more than four weeks (the statutory minimum). Around 13 percent of fixed term employees reported they had more than the minimum entitlement. However, very few people in the other temporary work categories had more than four weeks of annual leave.
The proportion of temporary employees who were either not aware that they had a paid annual leave entitlement, or did not know what their entitlement was, was far higher than the proportion of permanent employees. Twenty-six percent of temporary workers said they had no leave entitlement, and 15 percent either believed their leave was less than the statutory minimum or did not know what leave entitlement they had. Of the temporary worker groups, casual and temporary agency workers had the lowest level of knowledge.
Job flexibility
The SoWL collected information on whether employees had flexible hours that allowed them to alter the times they started or finished work, whether they had worked at home in the last four weeks, whether they believed their employer would let them take a few days of unpaid leave if they needed to, and whether they believed their employer would let them reduce their hours from full-time to part-time if they wanted to. Results are shown in table 10.
Forty-one percent of all employees said they had flexible hours which allowed them to alter the times they started or finished work. Temporary workers were slightly more likely than permanent staff to have flexible hours. The proportion with flexible hours was particularly high among temporary agency workers, and a little higher than average among casual and fixed term workers. It was lower than average among seasonal workers.
The proportion of employees who had worked at home in their main job during the last four weeks was 21 percent for permanent employees and 12 percent for temporary employees. Fixed-term employees were the only group of temporary workers in which a substantial number (26 percent) said they had done paid work from home. Of the employees who had worked from home, 34 percent of permanents and 41 percent of temporaries were paid for some or all of the hours worked. This implies that around 60 percent were working additional hours on an unpaid basis, possibly at their own initiative rather than through a formal arrangement with their employer.
When asked about their ability to take unpaid leave from their job, a lower percentage of temporary workers than permanent workers were confident of their ability to do so, but the proportion was still relatively high at 75 percent.
Employees who usually worked for at least 35 hours a week were asked if their employer would let them reduce their hours from full-time to part time if they wanted to do so. Overall, 21 percent said yes to this question, and another 12 percent said 'probably'. Temporary workers somewhat more likely than permanent workers to believe they would have the flexibility to reduce their hours to part time. The proportion saying 'yes' or 'probably' was particularly high among casual workers, possibly because many were employed in workplaces where part-time employment was already common.
Union membership and type of employment agreement
Union membership data are given in table 11. The SoWL estimated that 525,200 employees were union members in the March 2008 quarter, representing 30 percent of all employees. In contrast, figures from union membership returns held by the Department of Labour indicate that as at 1 March 2007 there were 376,763 union members, implying a membership rate of only around 21 percent of employees.
Table 11: Union membership and type of employment agreement
Questionnaire routing in the SoWL may have led to some overestimation of union membership. Employees who said they were on a collective employment agreement were automatically coded as union members, and were not asked the union membership question. However, the SoWL estimate of the proportion of employees on a collective agreement is also significantly higher than the estimates that have been derived from existing data sources, such as the collective employment databases, suggesting that some employees believed they were on a collective agreement when they were not. If so, this would have led to an over-estimation of the rate of union membership in SoWL.
Another factor possibly contributing to the difference is that the union membership returns held by the Department of Labour may not cover 100 percent of union members, making the implied membership rate constructed using the membership returns an underestimate.
In the SoWL results, temporary workers were less likely than permanent workers to be union members (26 percent compared with 31 percent). Only 17 percent of casual workers were classified as union members in the survey. However, union membership rates were higher for workers on fixed-term contracts (35 percent) and seasonal workers (33 percent) than permanent employees.
Similar patterns were found in the coverage of collective employment agreements. The results show that fixed-term and seasonal workers were more likely than permanent employees to be covered by a collective agreement, while casual and temporary agency workers were less likely to be covered by a collective.
Levels of knowledge regarding employment agreements were also much lower among temporary than permanent staff, and particularly among casual workers. Twenty-two percent of temporaries said they were not aware of being covered by any type of agreement, and nine percent did not know what type they were covered by. Forty percent of all casual workers were either not aware of being on any agreement or did not know what type of agreement they were on. Among casual workers aged 15-24 years, as many as 54 percent said they were not aware of having an employment agreement or did not know what type of agreement they were on.
Work-related health and safety outcomes
Respondents were asked how often in the last 12 months they had found being at work, or the work itself, stressful; how often they had experienced physical problems or pain because of work; and how often they had felt so tired from work that they were unable to enjoy the things they like to do outside of work. They were also asked whether they had experienced any discrimination, harassment or bullying in the workplace, and their perception of how well health and safety risks were managed in their main job. Results for temporary and permanent workers are shown in table 12.
Table 12: Health and safety at work
Temporary employees were less likely than permanent employees to say that they found work stressful, either often or always in the last 12 months (14 percent compared with 18 percent). Among temporary workers, fixed term and seasonal workers were more likely to report frequent stress than casual and agency workers.
There was little difference between temporary and permanent employees in the proportions saying that they were often or always too tired from work to enjoy life outside work, or that they had often or always experienced physical problems or pain because of work. However, seasonal workers stand out as a group with a relatively high level of physical symptoms, with 15 percent of seasonal workers saying that they often or always experienced physical problems or pain. The average rate across all employees was 7 percent. Among the different types of temporary worker, seasonal workers were also more likely than the other groups to report fatigue, reflecting the long hours worked by a substantial minority of seasonal workers (approximately 23 percent usually worked for 45 hours or more).
If health outcomes such as the experience of stress, fatigue or pain at work are shaped by other factors that differ systematically between temporary and permanent employees, such as age, an underlying relationship between holding a temporary job and these health outcomes could potentially be hidden the unadjusted percentage statistics. To check whether there is any underlying relationship, the probabilities of reporting stress, fatigue, or physical pain were modelled in separate regressions, using personal characteristics, job characteristics, and a dummy for holding a temporary job, as the explanatory variables. No evidence was found of a statistically significant relationship between holding a temporary job and reporting these three health outcomes.
There were only small differences between temporary and permanent workers in the proportions who said they had experienced harassment, discrimination or bullying at work during the past year. There was also little difference in the proportions who felt that health and safety risks were managed well, neither well nor poorly, or poorly.
4.4 Summary
This section presented a descriptive profile of temporary workers in the March 2008 quarter, comparing their characteristics, employment conditions and employment outcomes with those of permanent workers.
Based on the results from the survey, there are substantial differences in the worker and job profiles associated with different types of temporary work (casual, fixed-term, agency and seasonal). Employees in fixed-term jobs tend to be aged over 25, to have relatively high levels of education, and to work in professional, technical or clerical occupations. Nearly two-thirds were female, 71 percent held a post-school qualification, and 40 percent held a degree. Around 70 percent were working in professional, technical, or clerical jobs. Seventy percent were working on a full-time basis. Fixed-term employees as a group earned slightly more per hour than permanent employees, and women in fixed-term jobs earned significantly higher hourly wages than women in permanent jobs. Fixed-term employees were also the sub-group of temporaries who were most likely to have undertaken employer-funded training in the previous year: their training participation rate was similar to that of permanent employees.
Temporary employment agency workers - a relatively small group - were predominantly (70 percent) female. Around one quarter were employed in clerical jobs, while the remainder worked in a wide variety of occupations requiring a variety of skill levels, including professional and technical, service and sales, agricultural, production and elementary occupations. Male temporary agency employees earned substantially less per hour than males in permanent jobs, on average, while female temporary agency employees earned slightly more than females in permanent jobs.
Casual employees were the youngest sub-group of temporaries: 42 percent were aged under 25 years. Casual workers held jobs featuring a variety of different skill levels. The largest group of casual workers was employed in service and sales occupations, while others worked in professional, technical, clerical, agricultural, and elementary occupations. Over 60 percent were in part-time jobs. Reflecting the high proportion of youth workers in this group, casual employees had relatively low average hourly earnings. Along with temporary agency and seasonal workers, their rate of participation in training was well below that of permanent workers.
Seasonal workers were younger than the workforce as a whole, although somewhat older than the casual group. They had the lowest level of educational attainment among the four main types of temporary worker. Nevertheless, thirty-five percent held a post-school qualification, and 10 percent a degree. Seasonal workers were most likely to work as agriculture and fishery workers, or as plant and machine operators and assemblers. The rest were mainly employed in technical, sales and service, or elementary occupations. Two-thirds were employed on a full-time basis and one-third on a part-time basis. Of the four main types of temporary worker, seasonal employees had the most diverse working-time patterns, and the highest rates of working at non-standard times of the day or week. Seventy percent of seasonal workers in the survey had worked at a non-standard time at least once in the past month, and 30 percent had done so more than 10 times. Their average hourly wages and rates of participation in employer-funded training were comparatively low.
Despite the diversity among temporary workers, some valid generalisations can be made about the profile of temporary employees overall compared with the profile of permanent employees. Based on the March 2008 survey results, we can say that temporary employees are on average significantly younger (by four years). They are somewhat more likely to be women than men (56 percent were female). Nearly half work on a part-time basis, compared with just 20 percent of permanent employees. Although temporary employees are found in every occupational group, their occupational profile is somewhat less skilled than that of permanent employees. There are very few temporary employees in management or skilled trade jobs, and they are less likely to be working in professional occupations.
To assess the variability in working hours that is associated with temporary work, temporary workers were asked whether their hours of work changed from week to week to suit the employer's needs. More than half of all temporary workers said this was the case. The need to change one's hours to suit the employer's needs was particularly common among casual workers (62 percent). When asked how much advance notice was given of the shifts that had to be worked, eighteen percent of casual workers, 19 percent of temporary agency workers and 16 percent of seasonal workers said they were usually told of their days and times of work only one day in advance, or less.
The information that the SoWL collected on flexitime, the ability to take unpaid leave from one's job, and the ability to move from full-time to part-time hours, indicates that temporary workers had broadly similar levels of access to these flexibility provisions as permanent employees (with some variation across temporary job types). Temporary workers were slightly less likely than permanent workers to say that they had often or always found their work stressful. They gave similar responses to the questions on fatigue at work and physical problems or pain at work, as permanent employees. However, seasonal workers reported a relatively high level of physical symptoms, with 15 percent of all seasonal workers saying that they had often or always experienced physical problems or pain because of work in the last year. The average rate for all employees was 7 percent.
Some of the more substantial differences between the employment outcomes of temporary and permanent employees lie in the disparities in average hourly earnings, in the likelihood of having received or undertaken employer-funded training in the last 12 months, in rates of under-employment (wanting to work more hours), and in awareness of the statutory annual leave entitlements. Temporary employees earned significantly less per hour on average, were less likely to have undertaken employer-financed training, were more likely to say that they wanted to work more hours than at present, and were less likely to have an accurate understanding of their annual leave entitlement. As discussed above, the higher likelihood of wanting to work more hours appears to be mainly due to the higher rate of part-time employment among temporary workers. Factors that may be contributing to the wage rate and training rate differentials are considered in Section 6.
[9] See footnote 7.
[10] However, some may have taken different approaches, such as reporting the duration of their current job spell only.
[11] In multivariate regressions of individual characteristics on the survey measure of wanting to work more hours, the marginal effect of working in a temporary on the likelihood of wanting to work more hours was small but significant for males, and small and insignificant for females. Employees working shorter hours were significantly more likely to want additional hours, and teenagers and employees aged 60 years and over were significantly less likely to want additional hours.





